Fantasy & Reality

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Jerusalem—Holy City for Jews, Christians and Muslims—exists in time, in space and in imagination. Early maps of the city, which often combine these elements in ways that the modern eye finds disconcerting, can teach us much about the city— and the people—of the past.

In reality, Jerusalem of the 16th and 17th centuries was an unimportant city in the Ottoman empire. Nevertheless, for Europeans its significance was so great that many histories, chronicles, Bible commentaries and travel books of the time were dedicated to its description and study. With the advent of the printing press, the spread of education and the proliferation of printed Bibles, books about the Holy Land dramatically increased.¹

Few Europeans actually traveled to Jerusalem. They bought maps and books reflecting their interest in the ideas and events associated with the Holy City—not its physical details. Until the early 19th century, maps tended to be artistic drawings of landscapes, without measurements, scale or accurate perspective. Scenes and locations from different times in history were depicted side by side, combining the representation of a real location with the biblical concepts associated with it. Because of their popularity, many early maps of Jerusalem have survived.²

Israeli geographers Joshua Ben-Arieh and Naomi Alhasid divide the early maps of Jerusalem into two major categories: historical-imaginary and realistic. In classifying these maps, Ben-Arieh and Alhasid relied on content and titles: maps showing Jerusalem in a historical-imaginary framework and titled “Biblical Jerusalem” or “Old Jerusalem,” and maps that depicted the city realistically and titled “New Jerusalem” or “Jerusalem in Our Time.”³

An especially fine example of a historical-imaginary map was published by the 16th-century Dutch printer Christian van Adrichom. Born in Delft in the Netherlands, Adrichom worked most of his life in Cologne. In 1584, he published a map of Jerusalem accompanied by a booklet.⁴ Written in Latin, both the booklet and the map were later translated into other languages. Adrichom’s map was very famous in its time and inspired many editions, imitations and copies. The best—known edition of this map was edited by George Braun and Frans Hogenberg in 1588 as part of a book that included views of cities around the world.⁵

Fifty-five years after Adrichom’s map, a Franciscan monk, Francisco Quaresmius, published a realistic map. Born in Lodi, Italy, Quaresmius went to the Levant in 1616 and served there for many years. Appointed head of the Franciscan order in the Holy land, Quaresmius carried the title Custos Terrae Sanctae (Guardian of the Holy Land) in the years 1618–1619. He wrote several books, including one about Jerusalem and the Holy Land in which his map of the city appeared.⁶

While different in nature, background and topics, the maps published by Adrichom and Quaresmius share some characteristics typical of many other maps of Jerusalem printed between the 15th and the 19th centuries. 035Both mapmakers and map readers conceived of Jerusalem as a mixture of the earthly and the heavenly. They made and read maps using their knowledge of Jerusalem, together with their historical-religious understanding of the Holy City. The contents of both are largely Christian, emphasizing the sites where events mentioned in the Scriptures, or adopted later in Christian tradition, took place. Obviously, in Adrichom’s historical-imaginary map, most of the sites are of this genre, but it is almost the same in Quaresmius’ map. This combination of location with events from different times may be criticized today as anachronistic but at the same time may be appreciated as holistic in relation to the Bible.

The maps are alike in other ways as well. Both were drawn by educated religious persons for educated people in Europe whose image of Jerusalem was based on the Scriptures, Flavius Josephus or other literary works. Both maps became important for European scholars and were copied in numerous editions drawn by other mapmakers, printers and publishers. Both incorporated the entire history of Jerusalem without distinguishing between historical periods. Every important site or tradition was drawn.

The main difference between Quaresmius’ realistic map and Adrichom’s historical-imaginary map is that Adrichom’s is a symbolic representation of the city. With Quaresmius, despite all the anachronisms and subjective representations, there emerges a realistic portrait of what could be seen in Jerusalem in the early 17th century. From the viewpoint of the historical geographer, Quaresmius’ map contains extremely important information. An interesting example is the presence of two bridges over the Kidron Valley. These bridges appear in other maps but not in as great detail. Moreover, in other maps often only one bridge is depicted and not in its actual position. The northern bridge [63] (lower right corner of Quaresmius’ map) still exists even today, near Gethsemane and the church of the Tomb of St. Mary. It is built partly as a bridge and partly as a dam across the Kidron Brook. The old road from Jerusalem to Jericho runs over it. The southern bridge [56] (bottom, center, photo of Quaresmius’ map), depicted near Absalom’s tomb [74], was part of a road leading from the south-eastern corner of the city down to the Kidron Valley and up to the Mount of Olives. Although we know from other maps and even photographs that this bridge still existed in the beginning of this century, only scant remains are evident at the site today.

Compared to Adrichom’s map, the map of Quaresmius is quite objective, drawn according to Quaresmius’ personal knowledge of Jerusalem. But like Adrichom’s, the map also transmits Christian messages and ideology by depicting the biblical traditions and holy sites that were part of the culture of 17th-century Europeans. In the sections that follow, we will examine and compare these two maps in greater detail. They provide a glimpse of how Jerusalem was understood in the past.

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Adrichom’s Jerusalem (1584)—An imaginative conflation of Biblical Events

Like many other early maps (including the famous Madaba map), Adrichom’s map, entitled Jerusalem and its Surroundings, as it Flourished in the Time of Christ (Jerusalem et Suburbia eius. Sicut Tempore Christi Floruit) shows Jerusalem viewed from the west toward the east. We see it in its entirety in the beginning of this article and in simplified version above. The city is depicted surrounded by imaginative mountains with the Kidron (Cedron) Brook [202]^a realistically lying to its east (top) outside the eastern city wall. The rectangular city, surrounded by walls, is divided into four parts: two vertical strips on the northern (left) side, a large central section divided in two horizontally by a wide street, and a vertical section on the southern (right) side of the city. The southern strip is identified in Latin as “Mount Zion, the City of David, the Upper City” (Mons Sion Civitas David Qvae Et Svperior). In the central section—the main part of the city—the Temple appears within a walled rectangle spanning the width of the section’s eastern (upper) half. In the northern area of the city, walls with towers surround and separate the two areas: “The Second City” (Secunda Civitas) on the right and “Bezetha—The New City” (Nova Civitas) on the left. About 270 numbered captions appear on the map, keyed to the accompanying booklet. Each caption on the map describes a historical site or tradition.

This image of Jerusalem as a rectangle divided by walls into three main parts—north, central and south—was based on a misinterpretation of the first-century historian Flavius Josephus’ description of the city. In his writings Josephus described Jerusalem as surrounded by three walls and including the lower city, the upper city, and the new city also known as Bezetha.⁷ A drawing depicting Josephus’ description appeared for the first time in a map printed in Adam Reisner’s book on Jerusalem published 039in 1563,⁸ but Adrichom’s version with the upper city on the right, and Bezetha on the left, was much more detailed and elaborate. Since Josephus’ works were well known to European scholars at the time, this graphic concept based on Josephus quickly became very popular.

The city is imaginatively filled with buildings, most of them portraying structures mentioned in Scripture and later historical sources. There is no differentiation among historical periods from the tenth century B.C. to the first century A.D. Next to each other are the palaces of David, Solomon, the Maccabees, Bernice, Herod, Pilate, the house of Caiaphas, the Roman amphitheater and hippodrome [52, beneath CIVITAS INFERIOR, center]. Many of the structures were drawn in the style of 16th-century European buildings.

Outside the City walls other scenes are depicted, among them the anointing of King Solomon [236, bottom center], Absalom’s monument (incorrectly said to commemorate King David’s rebellious son [2 Samuel 18:18]), a structure still extant in Jerusalem but here depicted erroneously as a Roman column with a statue on top [227, upper far right] and the site of pagan sacrifices to the god Moloch [186, upper right] (see detail above). Often the artist did much more than draw buildings: he depicted people as he imagined them. Thus, for example, the high priest in the center of the Temple court stands in front of the altar, with the menorah (Candelabrum) on his left and the table of the shewbread (Exodus 39:36) on his right, the Holy of Holies with the Ark in front of him and the Hebrew name of God—Yahweh (yod-heh-vov-heh)—between the cherubim flanking the Ark [upper part of central section] (see detail of the high priest). To the right of the Temple and below his palace, Solomon sits on his throne [113]. Other details present scenes from the life of Jesus—from his triumphal entry into Jerusalem on Palm Sunday [214, above Temple] (Mark 11:8; Matthew 21:8; John 12:12–13), through the Last Supper (Cenaculum Sion) [6, at right on the locator map] (Matthew 26:20–29; Mark 14:17–25; Luke 22:14–38), praying in Gethsemene before his betrayal by Judas [188, top left center, inside the picket fence] (Matthew 26:36; Mark 14:32), his judgment before Pilate [115, left central section] (Matthew 27; Mark 15; Luke 23; John 18–19), bearing the cross along the Via Dolorosa [121–124, 247–249, bottom left central section on road continuing through gate in city wall] (Mark 15:20–23) and his crucifixion on Mount Calvary [235, lower left corner](Mark 15:29) (see detail of the crucifixion of Jesus). This series of scenes continues with events following the crucifixion showing the appearance of Jesus to his disciples on the road to Emmaus [257, lower right] (Luke 24:13–27) and the Ascension from the top of the Mount of Olives [192, top center] (Acts 1:2–11). Other Christian traditions are depicted, such as the fig tree Jesus cursed because it failed to bear fruit [184, top of locator map] (Matthew 21:18–19) and Judas Iscariot hanging on the tree after committing suicide in remorse [234, lower right corner of locator map] (Matthew 27:5).

Anachronisms abound in Adrichom’s historical-imaginary map. On the outskirts of the city (far left and far right on the locator map) the camps of the various armies that besieged Jerusalem at different times are depicted as tent camps with flags: the eighth-century B.C. Assyrians on the right [220], the sixth-century B.C. Babylonians (Chaldeans) [258, left on the locator map], the camp of Pompey in 63 B.C. [264], and the Roman siege of 70 A.D. on the left [259], and Herod’s camp from the first century B.C. below [231, bottom center]. Another kind of anachronism involves Adrichom’s use of terms from his own time or from other periods. For example, the term forum rerum venalium (the market where [they] sell) for the market [47, center section of locator map, lower right] is known to us from the Crusader period and was in use from the 12th century on. All in all, Adrichom’s map is an invitation to leisurely study and reflection today just as it was in the 16th century.

Quaresmius’ Jerusalem (1639) —A realistic city with fanciful touches

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Quaresmius’ map, entitled An Accurate Image of New Jerusalem and Its Surroundings (NOVAE IEROSOLYMAE ET LOCORVM CIRCVMIACENTIVM ACCVRATA IMAGO) has many of the characteristics of Adrichom’s historical-imaginary map, but is also more realistic. It depicts Jerusalem in an oblique, panoramic perspective from the top of the Mount of Olives, looking west (opposite to the orientation of Adrichom’s map). This viewpoint was also quite common in early printed maps of Jerusalem, both because the Mount of Olives was a holy site visited by most pilgrims and because it is one of the best places to view the city. A detailed Latin legend, keyed to 115 numbered items on the map, appears at the bottom. The designation, “Pag. 42.,” (upper right corner of Quaresmius’ map) is the map’s page number in the book in which it was originally printed.

In the foreground we see the Mount of Olives with its holy sites, then the Kidron Brook (Torrens Cedron) [53^b], flowing through the Kidron Valley, known in Christian tradition as Jehoshaphat Valley, (Vallis Iosaphat) [57] or the Valley of God’s Judgment. 042There, the sites of Gethsemane (Gethsemani villa) [54], the Sepulchre of St. Mary (Ecclia Sepulchri S.V.M.) [64], the tomb of Absalom (Sepulchrum Absalon) [74] and many others are portrayed.

At upper left (south), Mt. Zion (Mons Sion) [43] and the Hinnom Valley are depicted. Bethlehem [111] and its surroundings are in the southwest (far upper left) corner. On the north (right) side are only a few sites, the only important one being the Kings Tombs (Sepulchra Regia) [97]. A large rock-cut burial cave, from the Second Temple period, originally built by and for Queen Helene of Adiabene, and traditionally identified as the burial place of the kings of Judah, the tombs are even today one of Jerusalem’s most impressive ancient sites. At the top of the map are the mountains of Judea.

Jerusalem, enclosed within its walls, occupies the central part of the map. Accurate, realistic details include the wall and its gates. Starting at the top of the map, on the western side of the city, at the Citadel, or David’s Tower (Castellum Pisanum et Turris David) [26], and proceeding clockwise, we see Jaffa Gate (Porta Iopen) [36], Damascus Gate (P. Damasci on the right or northern side of the city) [37] and Herod’s Gate (P. Herodis, far right) [38]. At the bottom, or east, are St. Stephen’s Gate (P. S. Stephani) [39], named for the first Christian martyr (Acts 7:58), and the blocked Golden Gate (P. Aurea) [40]. On the left, or south, are Dung Gate(P. Sterquiliny) [41] and Zion Gate (P. Montis Sion) [42].

Within the city, on the eastern side, Temple Mount (Platea Templi)[2] is depicted, and on it are the Dome of the Rock identified as the Temple of Solomon (Templum Salomonis) [1] at its center, and the el-Aqsa mosque, identified as the Temple of the Presentation of St. Mary (Templi Praesentationis B.M.) [3] on the south (left).

In the city on the north (right) side, the piazza by the Damascus Gate [37] from which the city’s two main streets extend southward is clearly represented. Along the main street—today called the Street of the Oil Press, or in Arabic Suq Khan e-Zeit—not far from the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (Sepulchrum Christi) [20], the bazaar is emphasized, identified by the same Latin term Adrichom used, forum rerum venalium [6 center, top].

Everywhere on Quaresmius’ map, within the city and around it, numbers appear that correspond to the 115 items on the legend at the bottom of the map. Only four items relate to the Muslim population, although it was the majority at that time; about ten deal with matters of daily life, such as the marketplace or the gates; and only one item mentions the Jews, by pointing to the cemetery (Sepulchra Hebraeorum) [78] at the lower left of the map, above the tree on which Judas hanged himself [79]. All the rest, about 100 items, mark sites of Christian traditions and holy places.

Like Adrichom, Quaresmius illustrates some events as though they were happening at the time, such as Jesus” arrest in Gethsemane (Vbi Christus fiat captus) [61, below the bridge, bottom right], the ascension (Vbi Christus ascend in Caelie.) [86, bottom right], and the stoning of St. Stephen near the gate that bears his name (Vbi S. Stephs. fuit lapidatus) [62] (Acts 6:1–8:2). Most of the numbers, however, mark a building or the site of an event, not a depiction of the event itself.

Many traditions throughout the map are of secondary importance, usually not of biblical origin but based on the Apocrypha or on later legends. One example is The House of the Three Marys (Domus trium Mariarum) [31], not far from the Citadel, in the upper left Part of the city. A medieval tradition places Mary the mother of Jesus, Mary Magdalene and Mary the mother of James and John, the sons of Zebedee together in the same house. Another is “the place where the Jews tried to kidnap the body of St. Mary” (Vbi Hebraei euertere voluerunt Deiparae corpus dum ad Sepulchrum defertur) [51, on Mt. Zion]. An apocryphal tradition starting as early as the second or third century and found in many sources from the eighth century onward claims that when the body of Mary the mother of Jesus was carried to her tomb, some Jews tried to steal it.

Yet a third example is “The place where Isaiah has been cut” (Vbi Isaias sectus fuit) [69, far left above the Kidron Brook], which refers to a tradition based on a Jewish legend in the Babylonian Talmud and the Jerusalem Talmud that when Isaiah. was running away from the servants of King Manasseh, who had been ordered to kill him, he hid in the trunk of a large tree. The king learned of this and ordered his servants to saw down the tree. Isaiah was sawn with it.⁹ Lastly, the Pool of Bat-sheba (Pisina Bersabee), [100, top left beside the Via Bethlehem] refers to the pool in which King David saw Bathsheba bathing (2 Samuel 11). Many other folk traditions are represented.

The two bridges across the Kidron are 56 and 63. Next to the southern bridge is a realistically drawn series of footsteps across the wadi-bed, as if someone were walking through the mud [55]. These footsteps portray the medieval tradition that Jesus crossed the stream when he was led from Gethsemane to his judgment in the city. Quaresmius draws Jesus’ footsteps as if they were a real marker in the city’s landscape in his day. It is a perfect example of how early maps of Jerusalem blended imagination and fact.

Jerusalem—Holy City for Jews, Christians and Muslims—exists in time, in space and in imagination. Early maps of the city, which often combine these elements in ways that the modern eye finds disconcerting, can teach us much about the city— and the people—of the past.