More than three decades have passed since archaeologists and Bedouin prowled the caves of the Judean wilderness in search of ancient manuscripts and other remains. What occasioned this frenzied search was the stunning but accidental finding of the first Dead Sea Scrolls: In 1947 Bedouin shepherds came upon the scrolls in the caves of Wadi Qumran. A race of discovery ensued between Bedouin working haphazardly and archaeologists working methodically and with superior knowledge. The results of this race were as astounding as the initial discoveries. Both sides were successful, but as between the two, the Bedouin were clearly the winners. Then the search stopped.
We have learned a great deal in the 30 years since the search stopped, both methodologically and substantively. Advances in survey techniques, new tools, fresh knowledge—all suggest that the caves in the Judean wilderness should be re-explored systematically, to determine when they were occupied and their potential for further archaeological exploration.
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With this in mind, in 1983 we began a systematic new look at these caves, keeping an eye out for whatever finds an earlier generation of archaeologists and Bedouin may have missed. I was appointed to direct the project.1
One of our most spectacular finds recently made the front page of the New York Times (February 16, 1989). “Balsam Oil of Judah’s Kings Found in Cave Near Dead Sea,” blared the headline.
The oil, contained in an ordinary, first-century C.E.a pottery juglet,b was discovered in a cave less than two miles north of Qumran. Some of the oil had hardened near the flask’s mouth and at a small hole in its side, creating seals. In the dark, dry cave, the oil remained preserved for nearly 2,000 years.
When we removed the flask from the cave, to photograph it in daylight, the thick oil inside began to thin, and some leaked out of the small hole in the side of the flask. We quickly turned the flask on its other 035side, and nearly all the oil was saved. It was then sent to chemists at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, who determined that the oil came from a plant, not an animal, but matched no oil known today. Some research of ancient sources revealed that in the first century C.E., balsam trees—source of a precious, fragrant sap—were cultivated near Qumran, in the region of Jericho and Ein Gedi. These orchards, kept secret by the Jewish farmers until they were captured by Titus, were the only source of balsam in the Roman empire.
A famous mosaic inscription in Aramaic, discovered in a sixth-century C.E. synagogue at Ein Gedi, may provide evidence that the secret was kept even after the Roman period. The inscription states, in part:
“ … whosoever shall reveal the secret of the town
to the Gentiles—May He whose eyes range over the entire earth
and sees the hidden, He shall set His face against that person
and his seed, and shall uproot him from under the heavens.”
The “secret” of the town may well have been its balsam cultivation; the inscription could reflect an oath taken by the farmers and the community at Ein Gedi.
Oil extracted from balsam trees, some modern scholars believe, may have been used to anoint kings of ancient Israel.
The balsam oil has proved to be our only New York Times front page find. But only last January, another unique artifact—a reed arrow and iron arrowhead—was discovered in a cave near Qumran, and drew international media attention. These dramatic finds should, however, share the spotlight: In the course of our work, we have learned much that may be of even more enduring value and certainly will interest the readers of BAR.
From the Bible itself we learn that the Judean wilderness often served as a place of refuge. When 036young David fled from King Saul, David hid in caves in the wilderness of Ziph and Maon, southeast of Hebron, and in the Ein Gedi stronghold in the Judean wilderness southeast of Jerusalem (1 Samuel 22:1–2, 23:14–27). Thereafter these caves continued to serve as retreats for rebels and refugees seeking shelter from their enemies—more often than not, members of the establishment. In the second century B.C.E., pious Jews who were strict observers of the Torah fled, we are told, from Jerusalem to the desert caves to escape persecution from the Syrian overlord Antiochus IV (1 Maccabees 2:29–42).
We know from written sources like those I have just cited, and also from archaeological finds that these caves were places of refuge. The wilderness refugees wanted to save not only their lives, but also property—their treasure, their archives and legal documents. Sometimes the enemy found the refugees in their hideouts; the mute remains, occasionally preserved in their entirety for thousands of years in the dry climate of the desert caves, offer the only testimony to stories that would remain forever untold if these remains were not discovered by archaeologists—or Bedouin.
Extraordinary finds from the Neolithic period—c. 7000 B.C.E.—were discovered recently in a Judean wilderness cave.2 In 1961 Israeli archaeologist Pesach Bar-Adon found the Cave of the Treasure in Nahal Mikhmas. This remote cave contained a cache of over 400 copper and ivory ritual objects of unusually high quality dating to the Chalcolithic (KAL-keh-LITH-ik) period (c. 4000 B.C.E.).3 In a cave near Jericho, an entire community was trapped by attackers; amid their skeletons were priceless documents from the Persian period (the end of the sixth to the end of the fourth centuries B.C.E.).4 Other documents were left by Jewish rebels during the Second Jewish Revolt against Rome, the so-called Bar-Kokhba (the kh is pronounced like the ch in Bach) Revolt (132–135 C.E.) in the famous Cave of the Letters; some of the letters were actually signed by the leader of the revolt, Bar-Kokhba himself (from these letters we learn that his real name was apparently Bar-Kosiba).5
Finally, the find that started it all—the fabulous library from Qumran, the original Dead Sea Scrolls, were secreted in dark caves of the Judean wilderness. Together with subsequently discovered scrolls and scroll fragments, the Dead Sea Scrolls include all or parts of over 800 documents.6
Most of the caves in which these finds were made are large natural caves, not dug; only the material finds within them attest to their having been occupied.
In this article, I would like to report on another kind of cave, the kind that was specially prepared for a specific function. Our Archaeological Survey of Caves in the Judean Desert recently surveyed and sometimes excavated over 40 such caves. These caves are located mainly in two deep wadis (an Arab word for dry river beds; nahal [pronounced nah-khal in Hebrew) that belong to the wadi-system leading from Jerusalem to Jericho. Famous to generations of hikers and pilgrims, this impressive wadi-system is called the Wadi Qelt. The first of our two wadis is Nahal Mikhmas (Wadi Suweinit). Nahal Mikhmas is actually a northern tributary of the Wadi Qelt.7 The second is the Wadi Fara, a canyonlike section of the Wadi Qelt itself that runs west from the spring of Ein Fara, the westernmost spring of the Wadi Qelt.
Nahal Mikhmas begins its course in the Beth-El (Bethel) hills and ends at Wadi Qelt, between Ein Fara and Ein el Fawwar. The sides of the wadi consist of steep cliffs; in a past era, a stream cut through the hard Dolomite rock here, creating a topographical barrier that impedes passage from one side to the other. Crossing the wadi is possible only at a place known in Biblical times as the Passage of Mikhmas. Many natural 038caves pock the cliffs along the banks of the wadi. The caves that we explored are small and located high in the cliffs. The material remains in these caves are not abundant, but the work of human hands is apparent, as all the caves are in part dug. The entrances, usually natural crevices, conceal the carved spaces beyond, with no other openings for ventilation or light. No traveler walking in the wadi below would suspect the existence of these caves, which makes it clear that we are dealing with hideouts prepared in advance.
Inside the caves, cisterns and other water installations indicate that these caves were intended primarily for people rather than for storage. The archaeological finds—which include pottery sherds, inscriptions and drawings—reveal that these caves were probably carved during the First Jewish Revolt against Rome (66–70 C.E.), and perhaps even earlier. They were then reused during the Second Jewish Revolt against Rome, the so-called Bar-Kokhba Revolt (132–135 C.E.). In the Byzantine period (fourth century and after) some of them were resettled by Christian monks.
The character of the caves and their distribution indicate that they were not only prepared in advance for times of emergency, but also were components of a regional plan. Much thought and effort were invested in the location of the caves, their excavation and their water installations. The majority are not large caves, which suggests that each was intended for a single family. The few large complexes may have served several families, with each family allotted a defined space. From the many burial caves archaeologists have discovered outside urban centers like Jerusalem, we know that the Judean rock-cutters of this period were very highly skilled; we see the same skill reflected in these caves of refuge. The same blocking methods that were used at Judean tomb entrances—stone doors and, in one instance, a rolling stone—were used in these caves.
Altogether, 42 caves and cave complexes were traced and surveyed: 15 along a three and a half mile strip in Nahal Mikhmas, 8 in Wadi el-Habibi and 19 in Wadi Fara. Most of these caves are accessible only by climbing using mountaineering techniques or by rappelling down the cliffs.
We were able to divide the 42 caves into six different types:
• The simplest was a single room of quite limited area. This type was by far the most common. Over 40 percent of the caves (17 out of 42) fall into this category.
• A second type (see plans) consists of a single room (which tends to be larger than that of the first type). In its floor, a vertical shaft 3 feet across and between 8 and 12 feet long affords entrance from the cliff below. An entrance was carefully hewn at the bottom of the shaft. Protrusions and depressions in the side walls of the shaft facilitated climbing. (We found four of this type and a fifth with a graded instead of a vertical shaft.)
The size of the room in this type of cave varies. The ceiling is usually 6.5 or 7 feet high. The length can vary between 10 and 24 feet and the width between 8 and 12 feet. Sometimes the natural opening of the cave was closed by a masonry wall.
• Turning to more complex creations: The third type of cave includes a concealed upper cubicle near the ceiling of the cave, access to which was very difficult (we found three of this type). In one case, the entrance to the upper cubicle was through a hewn vertical shaft.
• Even more complex, the fourth type of cave includes additional rooms and installations scattered along a high horizontal rock shelf. (We found six examples of this type).
• In the fifth type (of which we found four examples) there were additional rooms on several different interconnected levels. In one case, we found four levels of caves, one on top of the other, connected by a tunnel and stone-cut steps. The different levels shared a water-collection system that caught rain 039water as it ran down the rocky wall. A cut and plastered channel carried the water from level to level and fed cisterns attached to the cave complex.
• Finally, the last type (of which we found two) consisted of a large cave, with storage cells cut in its inner wall.
The remaining caves do not fit any of these types.
Most of the caves and cave complexes had cisterns within them or adjacent to them. The cisterns were about 6 or 7 feet deep and about the same size across on the bottom. Ordinarily, nearby springs provided water, but in emergencies water could be stored and concealed in the cisterns. Hydraulic plaster lined the cisterns—plaster composed primarily of limestone and gravel mixed with a small amount of finely ground pottery. This kind of hydraulic plaster is typical of the Roman period. In the Byzantine period, larger pottery sherds—up to 0.2 inch—were used in the plaster mix.
Occasionally we found, in addition to a cistern, a mikveh, a stepped pool for Jewish ritual bathing. We also discovered storage pits in many of the caves.
Although the finds in the caves were not extensive, they often had an emotional story to tell. For example, in a cave complex with a mikveh, we found some inscriptions and drawings in charcoal on the plaster of the cistern, which was probably the inhabitants’ last place of refuge before being discovered by the enemy. One of the inscriptions shows two lines of letters in alphabetical order—probably magical formulas. As they became increasingly aware of danger, the frightened inhabitants of the cave no doubt scribbled the formulas in an effort to ensure their security and salvation. This suggestion is supported by a nearby Aramaic inscription, which reads: “Yo-ezer was uprooted, the guards entered” (nrfm [tw]wl[ rq[ta rz[wy). “Yo-ezer,” which means “God is helping,” was a common name among the priestly families of Jerusalem before the Roman destruction of the Temple in 70 C.E. Next to the inscriptions were drawings of a five-pointed star (pentagram) and two seven-branched candelabra (menorot—meh-no-ROTE—in Hebrew) reminiscent of the seven-branched candelabrum that stood in the Temple at Jerusalem. Apparently someone in the cave left a final message as the Romans entered: Yo-ezer, who may have been a priest in Jerusalem, was “uprooted”—either wounded or killed.
During the Byzantine period, Christian monks lived in this cave complex, which was a part of the laura (LAUV-reh) of Saint Firminus. At this time, the monks drew crosses and Greek and Palestinian Syriac inscriptions in red paint on the walls near the menorot and the Jewish Aramaic inscriptions.
Reoccupation of the caves by monks during the Byzantine period was not uncommon, sometimes after the cave had served as a place of refuge for Jews in 040both the First and Second Revolts against Rome. In one case we discovered a Byzantine building with a tiled roof—possibly a chapel—erected underneath one of the caves. Beneath another cave we found a Byzantine burial cave.
Sometimes, a cave was occupied again in the Middle Ages (13th to 15th centuries C.E.), as evidenced by painted pottery sherds easily datable to that period.
In a cave in Wadi el-Habibi we found a Roman period leather sandal, one end of which was eaten away. The sole of the sandal was made of two layers fastened by leather strips. Archaeologists discovered this type of sandal at the desert mountaintop stronghold of Masada, where Jewish rebels held out during the First Jewish Revolt, and in caves in the Judean wilderness that contained remains from the Second Jewish Revolt.
One cave in Wadi Fara yielded a fragment of a limestone scepter from the Chalcolithic period (fourth millennium B.C.E.) or Early Bronze Age (beginning of the third millennium B.C.E.); in other places we found a sherd of a fine plate from the Roman period; heaps of ropes made of palm fibers; a braid of human hair, probably from the time of the Jewish revolts against Rome; and three well-preserved Byzantine ceramic oil lamps.
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Oil lamps turned up elsewhere from the time of the First and Second Revolts. Sometimes the walls of the caves showed depressions where the lamps were placed.
The largest and most regularly cut cave was in Wadi Fara. It has, we believe, a special story to tell. According to the first-century Jewish historian Josephus, a man named Simon son of Giora sought to establish his rule over Judea. Simon eventually became the chief rebel commander of Jerusalem at the time of its capture and destruction by the Romans in 70 C.E. In 69 C.E., Simon’s principal stronghold was at a site called Kfar Ein or Nein, the location of which is the subject of much scholarly debate.8 At the same time, according to Josephus, Simon occupied
“numerous caves in the ravine known as Pheretae, widening some [caves] and finding others adapted to his purpose, as store chambers and repositories for plunder. Here, too, he laid up his spoils of corn, and here most of his troops were quartered. His object 042was evident: he was training his force and making all these preparations for an attack on Jerusalem” (Josephus, The Jewish Wars 4.511–513).
The ravine Josephus called Pheretae is commonly identified as the Wadi Fara.9
The largest cave complex we explored in the Wadi Fara might well be the caves Josephus refers to. We call it the “headquarters cave” of Simon son of Giora. It consists of a spacious rectangular hall 25 feet long, 19 feet wide and 6.5 feet high, with three rooms adjacent to it on the eastern side. In the Byzantine period, this cave complex was turned into a church, as part of the laura Faran.
Simon eventually became governor of Jerusalem, when another Jewish faction, led by John of Giscala, lost some of its principal supporters; these supporters opened the gates of the city to Simon. John of Giscala was left only with the Temple Mount.
Because Simon controlled almost all of Jerusalem, the Romans considered him the leader of the rebellion. According to Roman custom, after an enemy army was vanquished, its commander-in-chief had to be executed. Accordingly, after Jerusalem was conquered and destroyed, Simon was taken to Rome and displayed in the triumphal victory procession led by the Roman general Titus and the emperor Vespasian. Simon was then executed.
Even in the heat of a Judean summer, it can be chilling to stand in the cool cave where Simon son of Giora may once have held sway.
All in all, we have found that the Judean desert caves still contain much treasure.
More than three decades have passed since archaeologists and Bedouin prowled the caves of the Judean wilderness in search of ancient manuscripts and other remains. What occasioned this frenzied search was the stunning but accidental finding of the first Dead Sea Scrolls: In 1947 Bedouin shepherds came upon the scrolls in the caves of Wadi Qumran. A race of discovery ensued between Bedouin working haphazardly and archaeologists working methodically and with superior knowledge. The results of this race were as astounding as the initial discoveries. Both sides were successful, but as between the two, the Bedouin were clearly the […]
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B.C.E. and C.E. are the scholarly, religiously neutral designations corresponding to B.C. and A.D. They stand for “Before the Common Era” and “Common Era.”
2.
The juglet will go on display at the Israel Museum in Jerusalem, beginning in November 1989, as part of a major exhibit. “Perfumery and Perfumes of Ancient Times.”
Endnotes
1.
This research has been conducted on behalf of the Institute of Archaeology of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Professor Yigael Yadin collaborated on this research until his untimely death in 1984. Since then a steering committee composed of Professors Benjamin Mazar, Nahman Avigad and Joseph Naveh has assisted the chief investigator, Joseph Patrich. The survey team included Beny Arubas, Shmuel Grasiani, Eyal Naor, Hanina Kali and Beny Agur. Our thanks to the Dead Sea Works; to Micha Bar-On, director of Hebrew University’s Institute of Archaeology; and for financial support to Israel Ministry of Sciences, Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Yad Izhak Ben Zvi, Fellner Foundation and Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture.
2.
Ofer Bar Yosef, A Cave in the Desert: Nahal Hemar—9000 Year Old Finds (Jerusalem: Israel Museum Catalog 258, 1985).
3.
Pesach Bar-Adon, The Cave of the Treasure (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1980).
In this group, we also include some caves from Wadi el-Habibi, a northern tributary of Nahal Mikhmas. See Patrich, Beny Arubas and Eyal Naor, “Jewish Caves of Refuge in the Cliffs of Nahal Mikhmas,” Qadmoniot XIX (73–74) (1986), pp. 45–50 (in Hebrew).
8.
Scholars disagree over the identification of this site. Samuel Klein and Michael Avi-Yonah thought that the designation was Ein Fara, but this conclusion must be dismissed because of topographical considerations. It is also not strictly apparent from the text. For a summary of the various opinions in the literature, and for the suggestion of Khirbet Ein Eina in Samaria (reference point 179.165), see C. Möller and G. Schmitt, Siedlungen Palästinas nach Flavius Josephus (Weisbaden: Reichart, 1976).
9.
See Möller and Schmitt, Siedlungen Palästinas, p. 188, for other identifications.