For recent discussions of these lamps, see Jodi Magness, Jerusalem Ceramic Chronology (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993), pp. 173–177, 250–258; Stanislao Loffreda, Lucerne Bizantine in Terra Santa con Iscrizioni in Greco (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1989); Eugenia L. Nitowski, The Luchnaria—Inscribed Lamps of the Byzantine Period, Occasional Papers of the Horn Archaeological Museum, Andrews University (Berrien, MI: Andrews University, 1986); and Nitowski, “Inscribed and Radiated-Type Byzantine Lamps,” Andrews University Seminary Studies 12 (1974), pp. 18–34.


For discussions of the meaning of this motif, see Renate Rosenthal and Renee Sivan, Ancient Lamps in the Schloessinger Collection, Qedem 8 (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1978), p. 166; Nitowski, “Inscribed Lamps,” pp. 23–24; and Charles A. Kennedy, “The Development of the Lamp in Palestine,” Berytus 14 (1963), pp. 83–85. Loffreda (Lucerne Bizantine, pp. 215–218) has suggested identifying it as a tree of life.


See, for example, Robert Alexander Stuart Macalister, The Excavation of Gezer 1902–1905 and 1907–1909, vol. 3 (London: Palestine Exploration Fund, 1912), pl. 105:27. For the appropriation of the menorah motif by Christians, see Leonard V. Rutgers, “Archaeological Evidence for the Interaction of Jews and Non-Jews in Late Antiquity,” American Journal of Archaeology96 (1992), pp. 110–111; and Erwin R. Goodenough, “An Early Christian Bread Stamp,” Harvard Theological Review 57 (1964), pp. 133–137.


See Nitowski, “Inscribed Lamps,” pp. 26–31; see also Loffreda, Lucerne Bizantine.


See Loffreda, Lucerne Bizantine, pp. 177–185.


See Kennedy, “Development,” pp. 85–86.


For a comprehensive list and discussion of the various formulae that appear on these lamps, see Loffreda, Lucerne Bizantine.


For Menas flasks, see John W. Hayes, Roman Pottery in the Royal Ontario Museum (Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 1976), p. 52; and Ormonde Maddock Dalton, Byzantine Art and Archaeology (New York: Dover, 1961), p. 606.


Sylvester J. Saller, Excavations at Bethany (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1957), p. 178; Nahman Avigad, Discovering Jerusalem (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1983), pp. 229–246.


Charles Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil d’archéologie orientale, vol. 3 (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1900), p. 42. This has not gone unchallenged; see the discussion in Loffreda, Lucerne Bizantine, pp. 228–229. The reconstruction of the liturgy in Jerusalem during this period is problematic. However, I believe that Clermont-Ganneau was correct in identifying the formula “The light of Christ shines for all” as liturgical (even if it is not derived from the liturgy of St. Basil). The phrase seems to occur in a number of early liturgies associated with the evening prayer.


See the account of Bernard the Monk in John Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims Before the Crusades (Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1977), pp. 143–144.


See Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, p. 142, n. 16.


See Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, p. 67; Nitowski, Luchnaria, p. 14.


Loffreda, Lucerne Bizantine, pp. 83-103.


See Cynthia Hahn, “Loca Sancta Souvenirs: Sealing the Pilgrim’s Experience,” in The Blessings of Pilgrimage, ed. Robert Ousterhout (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois, 1990), p. 90.


For the pilgrim accounts mentioned here, see Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims. Also see E.D. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire AD 312–460 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1982), p. 130.


Piacenza Pilgrim v. 171–172, in Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, p. 83.


See Saller, Excavations at Bethany, p. 179, n. 97.


See Edmund Venables, “Elias I,” in A Dictionary of Christian Biography, ed. W. Smith and H. Wace (New York: AMS Press, 1984), pp. 84–86; Herbert Thurston and Donald Attwater, Butler’s Lives of the Saints, vol. 3 (New York: P.J. Kenedy and Sons, 1956), p. 154; Saller, Excavations at Bethany, p. 179, n. 97.


See Nitowski, Luchnaria, pp. 21–23.


The use of the Greek word kalon or kala to describe a ceramic vessel or its contents is also attested in the early Roman period at Masada. There the inscription kalon keramion (KALON KERAMION) is painted on a number of storage jars. Of course, the cultural context is different. However, as in the case of the inscribed lamps, the plainness of the jars indicates that the inscriptions could not refer to their beauty; see Hannah M. Cotton and Joseph Geiger, Masada II, The Yigael Yadin Excavations 1963–1965, Final Reports: The Latin and Greek Documents (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1989), pp. 180–181.


Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil d’archéologie orientale, pp. 41–42. Could the apparent absence of these lamps outside Palestine reflect a failure to recognize or identify them?


See Dalton, Catalogue of Early Christian Antiquities and Objects from the Christian East (London: British Museum, 1901), p. 154.


See Hahn, “Loca Sancta Souvenirs”; and Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage, pp. 128–130.


See Joseph Naveh, “Lamp Inscriptions and Inverted Writing,” Israel Exploration Journal 38 (1988), p. 43.


See André Grabar, Ampoules de Terre Sainte (Monza-Bobbio) (Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1958).


See L.Y. Rahmani, “Eulogia Tokens from Byzantine Bet She’an,” ‘Atiqot 22 (1993), pp. 109–119.


See Dan Barag, “Glass Pilgrim Vessels from Jerusalem: Part I,” Journal of Glass Studies 12 (1970), pp. 35–63; Barag, “Glass Pilgrim Vessels from Jerusalem: Parts II and III,” Journal of Glass Studies 13 (1971), pp. 45–63. I am grateful to Professor Barag for bringing this group of objects and the relevant articles to my attention.


See David P.S. Peacock, Pottery in the Roman World: An Ethnoarchaeological Approach(New York: Longman, 1982), p. 157.