Joshua 13:2–3; see Trude Dothan, The Philistines and Their Material Culture (New Haven, CT: Yale Univ. Press; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1982), pp. 16–18.


Herodotus, Histories 2.104.


Herodotus, Histories 2.141, where he mentions the devastation of Sennacherib’s army by a plague of mice while camped at Pelusium, on the road to Egypt. This account differs from the Biblical version of events, in which Sennacherib’s army is decimated by “an act of God”; see Isaiah 37:36; 2 Kings 19:35; 2 Chronicles 32:21. See also Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews 10.21. See the reconstruction of these events from the documentary sources in Alan B. Lloyd, Herodotus, Book II (Leiden: Brill, 1988), vol. 3, pp. 102–104.


Menachem Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, vol. 1, From Herodotus to Plutarch (Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1974), pp. 6–7 and note 2. Although Aristotle doesn’t actually name the lake, his comment that neither man nor beast could sink in its waters, which are bitter and salty and do not support fish, leaves no doubt that he is referring to the Dead Sea.


Polemo of Ilium, Greek History, quoted by Eusebius in Evangelical Preparation 10.10.15; see Stern, Greek and Latin Authors, pp. 102–103.


Ovid, Art of Love 1.416. See Stern, Greek and Latin Authors, pp. 348–349; Louis H. Feldman, “Some Observations on the Name of Palestine,” Hebrew Union College Annual 61 (1990), pp. 13–14.


Statius, Silvae 2.1.161; 3.2.105; 5.1.213. See Stern, Greek and Latin Authors, pp. 515–520. For Dio Chrysostom, quoted by Synesius, see H. Lamar Crosby, Dio Chrysostom (Cambridge, MA: Loeb Classical Library, 1951), vol. 5, pp. 378–379; also Stern, Greek and Latin Authors, pp. 538–540.


Philo, On Abraham 133, On the Life of Moses 1.163, On the Virtues 221 and Every Good Man is Free 75. On the use of Palestine by Philo and Josephus, see Stern, Greek and Latin Authors, p. 349.


Josephus, Antiquities 1.145. Admittedly, this reference is made in connection with events in Genesis, before the arrival of the Israelites. See Feldman, “Observations,” pp. 11–12.


Josephus, Antiquities 20.259.


Philistieim: Septuagint Genesis 26:1, 14, 15, 18; Exodus 23:31. Also Septuagint Joshua 13:2–3. Gê ton Philistieim: Septuagint Genesis 21:32, 34; Exodus 13:17. Elsewhere in the later books of the Septuagint Bible, which were translated subsequently from the Hebrew, the Philistines are referred to as the allophyloi (strangers); see Emanuel Tov, “The Septuagint,” in Martin J. Mulder and Harry Sysling, eds., Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1988), p. 169.


Homer, Odyssey 8.246; Herodotus, Histories 3.137, et al.


Martin Noth, “Zur Geschichte des Namens Palästina,” Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästina-Vereins 62 (1939), p. 133. Noth confines his observation of the resemblance of Palaistinê to palaistês to a short footnote (p. 133, n.3).


Epalaien: Septuagint Genesis 32:24; see diepalaien in Josephus, Antiquities 1.331. In Septuagint Genesis 32:25, the infinitive palaiein is used. The verb palaio is also used in the same context by Demetrius, the Jewish-Hellenistic writer of a short Greek history of Israel, who flourished in the late third to early second century B.C.E. The passage is preserved in a work of the fourth-century C.E. Christian bishop and theologian, Eusebius of Caesarea (Evangelical Preparation 9.21.7); I am grateful to Dr. Nikos Kokkinos for bringing the reference to my attention.


There is considerable material evidence of Greeks in Palestine during the Iron Age. A graphic illustration of direct contact between Jews and Greeks is provided by Hebrew ostraca found in Arad, which date from the first decades of the sixth century B.C.E. These refer to the delivery of food supplies to Kittim, Greek or Cypriot mercenaries in the service of the last kings of Judah; see Yohanan Aharoni, Arad Inscriptions (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1981), Ostraca nos. 1, 2, 4, 5, 7–8, 10–11, 14, 17. Imported Greek pottery from the seventh century B.C.E. onwards has been found at 50 sites in Palestine, and it is now generally agreed that this trade was run by Greek merchants; see Ephraim Stern, Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian Period, 538–332 B.C. (Warminster: Aris & Phillips; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1982), pp. 137, 141, 283–286. Circumstances for direct contact between Jews and Greeks in Babylon, Persia and Egypt during the early classical period have been cited by Elias Bickerman, The Jews in the Greek Age (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 1988), pp. 13–14.


Bickerman, Jews, p. 14. For a review of the archaeological and documentary evidence of the use of Aramaic in the Levant during Persian rule, see Fergus Millar, “The Problem of Hellenistic Syria,” in Amélie Kuhrt and Susan Sherwin-White, eds., Hellenism in the East: The Interaction of Greek and Non-Greek Civilizations from Syria to Central Asia after Alexander (London: Duckworth, 1987), pp. 111–113.


Michael Poliakoff, Combat Sports in the Ancient World (New Haven, CT: Yale Univ. Press, 1987), pp. 23–53; Harold A. Harris, Greek Athletes and Athletics (London: Hutchinson, 1964), pp. 102–105.


George F. Hill, Greek Coins of Lycia, Pamphylia and Pisidia (London: British Museum, 1897), pp. 95–101, plates 19–21 (Aspendus), p. 258 and plate 39 (Selge).


Strabo, Geography 15.1.37.


On Theodosia in the Bosporus, see Thomas S. Noonan, “Theodosia,” in Richard Stillwell, ed., The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press, 1976).


Josephus, Against Apion 2.168–171. For the views of Greek intellectuals about Jewish theology, see Feldman, Jew and Gentile in the Ancient World: Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press, 1993), pp. 149–153.


Aristophanes, Birds, lines 1474–1475. See Nan Dunbar, Aristophanes, Birds (Oxford: Clarendon Press; New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1995), p. 690.


Feldman (“Observations,” p. 19) points out that there is only circumstantial evidence linking Hadrian with the change of the name Judea to that of Palestine, and the precise date when this occurred is uncertain.