The chronology used here is the “high” Egyptian chronology.


This was the language of the Arzawa tablets from Tell el-Amarna.


So-called Khirbet Kerak ware.


I should like to thank Professor Moshe Kochavi for permitting me to publish this information here. Also see Aaron Demsky and Moshe Kochavi, “An Alphabet from the Days of the Judges,” BAR 04:03.


Khirbet is the Arabic word for ruin.


The Amorites are a people who originally came from north western Mesopotamia and northern Syria and who, throughout the centuries, mingled with the peoples of the ancient Near East. The Bible refers to them numerous times.



Hrozny was not the first to suggest the language might be Indo-European; as early as 1906 Jorgen Alexander Knudtzon, the publisher of the Amarna tablets, proposed that the two Arzawa letters were written in an Indo-European language.


The Sumerian words which are used in other cuneiform languages (technically known as “Sumerograms”) are words which are written in their Sumerian form but are pronounced in Akkadian, Hittite, or Hurrian just as today we write Arabic numerals whose origin is in medieval Arabic mathematics, but are pronounced by each people in its own language.


The Dardanelles are a mountain range in western Turkey. They act as a boundary marker between Europe and Asia.


This refers to pre-Hittite population in Anatolia, which was not Indo-European. In the scholarly literature, the name “Hattians” or “proto-Hattians” is used to refer to this indigenous population. It is from this that the Hittites received their name.


And see P. L. O. Guy and R. Engherg, Megiddo Tombs, Tome No. 49; Plate 25 No. 6.


For a much more detailed discussion in connection with the Syro-Hittite influences in northern Palestine, see Aharon Kempinski and Michael Avi-Yonah, Syria-Palestine II, Geneve, 1978, pp. 68–72. Concerning a jar-handle incised in Hittite style from Hazor, see H. Shanks, “An Incised Handle from Hazor Depicting a Syro-Hittite Deity,” Israel Exploration Journal 23, (1973), pp. 234–235.


The Hittite bulla was published by I. Singer, “A Hittite Hieroglyphic from Aphek,” Tel Aviv 4, pp. 178–190.


See Claude Schaffer, Ugaritica III (Paris, 1958) pp. 33–35 and figure 48.


Translated by H. G. Gueterbock, “The Deeds of Suppiluliuma,” Journal of Cuneiform Studies, Volume 10 (1956), p. 98.


The contention that these references to Hittite settlement in “Egypt” might help explain the Biblical references to Hittites in Canaan was first put forward in the 1930’s by a brilliant Hittite scholar Emil Forrer. Forrer’s suggestion was not widely accepted by scholars. In light of new evidence for Hittite settlement in Canaan at the time of the breakup of the Hittite Empire in the late 13th and 12th centuries, it now deserves to be reconsidered. See Emil Forrer, “The Hittites in Egypt,” Palestine Exploration Quarterly Number 68, 1936, pp. 190–203; Number 69, 1937, pp. 100–115.


“The Plague Prayers” were translated by Albrecht Goetze, Kleinasiatische Forschungen, I, 1929, pp. 209–213; idem Ancient Near Eastern Texts, pp. 394–395.


And see H. Otten, Hethitische Totenrituale, Berlin 1958.


The mountainous portions of Canaan were at that time held by the Israelite tribes and the process of settlement there was already at its height. In the Shephelah and in the valleys, the refugees from the north could still find a place to settle among the urban population. A portion of the Canaanite cities in which the refugees settled afterwards came under Philistine control.


The idea of the emigration of Hittite groups after the destruction of the Empire has been formulated along general lines by Benjamin Maisler (Mazar), Untersuchungen zur alten Geschichte und Ethnographie Syriens und Palastinas, Giessen 1930.


Concerning the jar-burials among the Hittites, see, e.g. M. J. Melink, A Hittite Cemetery at Gordion Philadelphia 1954. This form of burial should not be confused with infant or child burial in jars (single jars not connected). This form of infant burial was used in Palestine throughout the Bronze Age.


For the publication of the tomb from Kfar Yehoshua, see A. Droks, “A Hittite Burial near Kfar Yehoshua,” Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society XXX (1966), pp. 213–220. The Azor burials were published by Moshe Dothan, Encyclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land s.v. Azor.


The krater was published by Joseph A. Callaway and R.E. Cooley, “A Salvage Excavation at Raddana in Bireh,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 201, 1971, pp. 15–19.


For clear evidence of this custom see Aharon Kempinski and S. Kosak, Hittite Metal “Inventories;” Tel Aviv, 4, 1977, p. 87.


The name of Uriah the Hittite (who sold Abraham the Machpelah in Hebron in Genesis 23) may conceal a Hurrian name behind a seemingly Semitic form. See M. Vieyra, Revue Hittite et Asianique 35 (1933), pp. 113 ff. The element ewri (“lord” in Hurrian) appears in the root of the name.


And this is mainly because of the existence of two rulers with the same Hurrian names Sheshai and Talmi/Talmai in Hebronite tradition which refers to the early rulers of the city (“the children of Anak”). See Aharon Kempinski, Encyclopaedia Biblica, Volume 8, s.v. Tlmi.


See Maisler (Mazar) Lesonenu XV (1947) p. 42.


This theory has in fact been in existence since the beginning of scholarly research in the field. An excellent short version of it can be found in the Encyclopaedia Britannica Volume I, s.v. Amorites; in B. Landsberger, “Period IV 1100–1500:” “ … In addition, the name Hatti came to be used almost synonymously with Amurru: this shift of meaning for these two historical terms is paralleled by the use of the term Emori and Hitti in the Old Testament.”