Endnotes

1.

Good general introductions to ancient mosaics include R. Ling, Ancient Mosaics (London: British Museum Press, 1998) and K. Dunbabin, Mosaics of the Greek and Roman World (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1999).

2.

In the first publication of the mosaic, Père Louis-Hugues Vincent offered a list of potential options that adds heroines, saints, deaconesses and members of the imperial family to the range of possibilities: Louis-Hugues Vincent, “Une mosaic byzantin à Jerusalem,” Revue biblique 10 (1901), pp. 436–444, p. 441.

3.

See especially the discussion of M. Avi-Yonah, Art in Ancient Palestine (Jerusalem: R.H. Hacohen Press, 1981), Plate 50, pp. 319–320.

4.

See Vincent; “Une mosaic byzantin à Jerusalem,” p. 443 (for fifth–sixth centuries) and P. Bagatti, “Il musaico dell’ Orfeo a Gerusalemme,” Rivista di archeologia Cristiana 28 (1952), pp. 145–60, esp. pp. 158–160.

5.

See R.M. Harrison, “An Orpheus Mosaic at Ptolemais in Cyrenaica,” Journal of Roman Studies 52 (1962), pp. 13–18, esp. pp. 17–18.

6.

Vincent, “Une mosaic byzantin à Jerusalem,” pp. 442–444, leaping rapidly to an interpretatio Christiana despite admitting the pagan subject matter and the “absence totale d’emblèmes chrétiens” p. 443. Tomb chamber (“une opulente sepulture”) p. 444—an entirely hypothetical suggestion thrown up in the last paragraph of the paper and hardly supported by the architectural speculation of L.-H. Vincent; “La mosaique d’ Orphée,” Revue biblique 11 (1902), pp. 100–103.

7.

For instance, P. Bagatti; “Il musaico dell’ Orfeo a Gerusalemme,” pp. 145–146; H. Stern, “La mosaique d’Orphée de Blanzy-les-Fismes (Aisne),” Gallia 13 (1955), pp. 41–77, esp. pp. 74–75; A. Grabar, Byzantium from the Death of Theodosius to the Rise of Islam (London: Thames and Hudson, 1966), p. 112.

8.

See J. Huskinson, “Some Pagan Mythological Figures and Their Significance in Early Christian Art” Papers of the British School at Rome 42 (1974), pp. 68–97. Of these, Orpheus has the most venerable history of discussion, reaching back as far as A. Bosio, Roma Sotterranea (Rome, 1632), pp. 627 ff. Key discussions include: H. Leclerq, “Orphée,” Dictionnaire d’ archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie 12 (1934–1936), cols. 2735–2755; H. Stern, “Orphée dans l’art paléochrétien,” Cahiers archéologiques 23 (1974), pp. 1–16; M.C. Murray, “Rebirth and Afterlife: A Study of the Transmutation of Some Pagan Imagery in Early Christian Art,” British Archaeological Reports, International Series 100 (1981), pp. 37–63 and pp. 114–121.

9.

See especially G. Bowersock, Hellenism in Late Antiquity (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1990), and on the visual side: R. Leader-Newby, Silver and Society in Late Antiquity (Aldershot, VT: Ashgate Publishing, 2004), pp. 123–216.

10.

See W.F. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten der Spätantike und des frühen Mittelalters (Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 1976), nos. 91 and 92, pp. 70–71.

11.

See A. Ovadiah, “Excavations in the Area of the Ancient Synagogue at Gaza (Preliminary Report),” Israel Exploration Journal 19 (1969), pp. 193–198; H. Stern, “Un nouvel Orphée-David,” Comptes rendus de l’académie des inscriptions et de belles-lettres (1970), pp. 63–79; P. Corby Finney, “Orpheus-David: A Connection in Iconography between Greco-Roman Judaism and Early Christianity,” Journal of Jewish Art 5 (1978), pp. 6–15, esp. pp. 6–8; A. Ovadiah, “The Synagogue at Gaza” in L. Levine, ed., Ancient Synagogues Revealed (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1981), pp. 129–132; R. and A. Ovadiah, Mosaic Pavements in Israel (Rome: «L’Erma» di Bretschneider, 1987), no. 83, pp. 60–61.

12.

See A. Grabar, “Recherches sur les sources Juives de l’art paléochrétien,” Cahiers archéologiques 12 (1962), p. 118 and H. Stern; “Orphée dans l’art paléochrétien,” pp. 12–16 with the trenchant critique of M.C. Murray, “Rebirth and Afterlife: A Study of the Transmutation of Some Pagan Imagery in Early Christian Art,” British Archaeological Reports, International Series 100 (1981), pp. 114–121.

13.

For example, H. Stern, “The Orpheus in the Synagogue of Dura-Europos,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 21 (1958), pp. 1–6; E.R. Goodenough, Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period, vol. 9 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1964), pp. 89–104; M. Avi-Yonah, “Goodenough’s Evaluation of the Dura Paintings: A Critique,” in J. Gutmann, ed., The Dura-Europos Synagogue: A Re-evaluation (1932–1972) (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1973), pp. 117–135, esp. p. 119.

14.

See C. Kraeling, The Excavations at Dura-Europos: Final Report VIII, part 1: The Synagogue (New Haven, CT: KTAV Publishing House, 1956), pp. 223–225; P.C. Finney, “Orpheus-David: A Connection in Iconography between Greco-Roman Judaism and Early Christianity?” Journal of Jewish Art 5, pp. 11–13; Charles Murray, “Rebirth and Afterlife: A Study of the Transmutation of Some Pagan Imagery in Early Christian Art,” British Archaeological Reports, International Series 100 (1981), pp. 115–121.

15.

C. Kraeling, The Excavations at Dura-Europos, pp. 225.

16.

See F. Gerke, Die christlichen Sarkophage der vokonstantinische Zeit (Berlin: deGruyter, 1940), pp. 120–129; T. Mathews, The Clash of Gods (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1993).